The coffee barons’ direct control of the presidency ultimately came to an end as a consequence of the Great Depression, which began in 1929. A coup installed Gen. Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as president in December 1931 and initiated a succession of military governments that controlled the country through 1979.

The persistence of military rule can be partly explained as a result of a two-day revolt by farmworkers in January 1932 that was organized by Augustín Farabundo Martí, head of the recently formed Salvadoran Communist Party. Hernández Martínez easily suppressed the rebellion and authorized the summary execution of at least 10,000 suspected participants. The uprising and its brutal repression, which is referred to as la matanza (“the slaughter”), were momentous events in the history of the country. The revolt demonstrated the value of the military dictatorship to the landed elite, which became convinced of the need for eternal vigilance against the menace of a communist revolution. It also eliminated the immediate threat from the left as well as most of the last vestiges of Indigenous culture.

Personally honest and austere, Hernández Martínez sought to emulate the fascist dictators of Europe, but he may be best known for his interest in the occult arts. His regime survived a coup in April 1944, but the following month a general strike launched by university students brought the country to a standstill and caused the dictator to resign from office. There was no real change, however, until 1948, when a revolt by young army officers installed a junta headed by Maj. Oscar Osorio. This “Majors’ Revolution” gave rise to policies and patterns of behavior that would have a central role in the practice of Salvadoran politics during the next 30 years.

Elected to a six-year term as president in 1950, Osorio organized the Revolutionary Party of Democratic Unification (Partido Revolucionario de Unificación Democrática; PRUD) and launched a variety of reform projects, such as the development of hydroelectric facilities and urban housing projects. He also extended collective bargaining rights to urban workers, but, for the most part, the reforms served to encourage economic growth and to benefit the middle class. Osorio’s successor, Lieut. Col. José María Lemus (1956–60), continued these programs, but there was no improvement in the living standards of workers. When faced with open discontent, Lemus resorted to repressive measures, and a military coup deposed him in October 1960.

A second coup, in January 1961, brought Lieut. Col. Julio Adalberto Rivera (1962–67) to power. PRUD was dismantled and replaced by the National Conciliation Party (Partido de Conciliación Nacional; PCN), which would control the national government for the next 18 years. Under the banner of the Alliance for Progress, Rivera advanced programs aimed at economic growth and diversification, which enabled El Salvador to take advantage of the increased trade opportunities offered by the recently formed Central American Common Market (CACM). A greater degree of political liberty seemed evident from the rise of the Christian Democratic Party (Partido Demócrata Cristiano; PDC) and the victory of its candidate, José Napoleón Duarte, in the 1964 mayoral election in the city of San Salvador. At the same time, the Rivera government oversaw the formation of the Democratic Nationalist Organization (Organización Democrática Nacionalista; ORDEN), a large, secretive, and predominantly rural paramilitary organization.

Col. Fidel Sánchez Hernández (1967–72) encountered difficulties as a result of the decline in world prices for coffee and cotton, but in 1969 the country’s attention was diverted from economic problems by the outbreak of what came to be known as the “Soccer War” with Honduras. This conflict broke out shortly after the two countries had played three bitterly contested matches in the World Cup competition, but the real causes for the war lay elsewhere.

In the first place, there was a long-standing dispute concerning the location of portions of the border between the two countries. Also, Hondurans resented the substantial trade advantage El Salvador held over them on the basis of the rules of the CACM. Most important was the problem raised by some 300,000 Salvadorans who had migrated to Honduras in search of land or jobs and who now found themselves threatened by an involuntary repatriation program begun by the Honduran government. Spurred by reports of the mistreatment of these refugees, the Salvadoran government opened hostilities on July 14, 1969. A cease-fire took effect on July 18, but El Salvador continued to force the action until the Organization of American States (OAS) threatened economic sanctions against the country on July 29. The brief war had cost several thousand lives, and a peace treaty between the two countries was not concluded until 1980.

Continuing economic troubles and the growing popularity of Duarte, the PDC candidate who headed a coalition slate, suggested that the military might lose control of the government in the 1972 elections. Members of ORDEN supervised voting in the outlying provinces, however, and managed to ensure the victory of the PCN’s Col. Arturo Armando Molina. An attempted coup afterward achieved little more than Duarte’s arrest and exile to Venezuela, where he resided until 1979.

During the period that encompassed the tenure of President Molina (1972–77) and that of his successor, Gen. Carlos Humberto Romero (1977–79), the country experienced more-frequent expressions of public discontent and growing abuses of human rights. The increasing opposition among Roman Catholic clergymen to the church’s traditional defense of the status quo provided one clear sign of widening concern about the problem of social injustice in El Salvador. This period also witnessed the formation of mass popular front organizations that expressed the grievances of groups of small farmers and labor unions by such means as strikes, demonstrations, and parades. By 1979 several separate guerrilla organizations were operating in El Salvador.

Apart from an agrarian-reform proposal that was offered (and quickly retracted) in 1976, the government had no response to this opposition other than tightening the screws of repression. Small farmers surely suffered the brunt of efforts to stifle dissent, but the most egregious example of government violence came in 1975 when at least a dozen university students were shot to death while protesting the use of public funds to hold the Miss Universe contest in El Salvador. The political situation steadily worsened until Romero was removed from office by a military coup in October 1979.