Full independence was achieved by Guinea-Bissau on September 10, 1974; Cape Verde achieved independence the following year. The Cape Verdean revolutionary comrades Luís de Almeida Cabral (half brother of Amílcar Cabral) and Aristides Pereira became the first presidents of Guinea-Bissau and the Republic of Cape Verde, respectively. João (“Nino”) Vieira became the commander in chief of the armed forces of Guinea-Bissau.

In August 1978 Vieira assumed the position of prime minister in Guinea-Bissau following the accidental death of his predecessor, Francisco Mendes, in July. On November 14, 1980, Vieira led a military coup against Cabral, who was charged with abuse of power and sentenced to death; after negotiations, Cabral was released from that sentence and went into exile. The coup was deeply resented in Cape Verde and severed the military and political unity that had existed between the two countries. The Cape Verdean branch of the PAIGC was replaced by the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde (Partido Africano para a Independência de Cabo Verde; PAICV), which eliminated reference to Guinea-Bissau.

With his ascent to power, Vieira faced difficult political and economic problems. Guinea-Bissau’s poverty required development aid from Portugal, which was in turn seeking to restore its economic relations with Guinea-Bissau. In addition, the poorly performing state-planned economic policy that had been adopted with independence was increasingly liberalized in subsequent years as attempts were made to improve the economy, but the shift toward a free-market economy was not universally embraced and became a source of political unrest.

Guinea-Bissau made the transition to a democratic, multiparty system in the early 1990s, and the country’s first free legislative and presidential elections were held in 1994. The PAIGC won a majority of legislative seats, while Vieira narrowly won his race.

In 1997 Guinea-Bissau joined the West African Economic Monetary Union and the Franc Zone. However, fiscal volatility caused in part by these actions contributed to political unrest that came to a head in 1998 when Vieira dismissed military chief of staff Brig. (later Gen.) Ansumane Mané. Almost immediately Mané initiated a revolt that was fueled by widespread frustration and opposition to Vieira. Most observers first thought that the mutineers would tire and Vieira would reemerge as the victor; instead, the conflict broadened. Various cease-fires were called and broken, and troops from Guinea, Nigeria, Senegal, and France intervened. After each round of fighting, Vieira became increasingly isolated in Bissau. In May 1999 he was forced to surrender and later went into exile in Portugal. Subsequent elections, deemed free and fair by international observers, brought to power the country’s first non-PAIGC government, led by Pres. Kumba Ialá.

Despite a democratic beginning, Ialá’s rule became increasingly repressive. Widespread discontent with the deteriorating economic and political climate led to his removal in a bloodless coup in September 2003. Soon after, Henrique Rosa, a businessman and virtual political newcomer, was sworn in as interim president. Under Rosa’s transitional government, legislative elections were held in 2004, moving Guinea-Bissau on course toward a stable, constitutional government. While forging political peace, Rosa was faced with the task of rebuilding the country’s infrastructure and improving the economy, both severely damaged from the civil war and years of political strife.

In March 2005 Ialá announced his intention to contest the elections scheduled for June of that year, although both he and Vieira—who had returned from exile in April—had been barred from politics in 2003. Both candidates were subsequently cleared to run for office in April. The following month, Ialá announced that he was in fact still president and staged a brief occupation of the presidential building. Defeated in the first round of polling, however, he eventually backed Vieira, who won a second round of elections held in July. Although supporters of the opposition raised allegations of fraud, the elections were declared by international observers to have been free and fair.

Ongoing political strife and economic challenges were compounded by drug smuggling, an increasing problem for Guinea-Bissau and other western African countries in the mid-2000s. With a geography favourable to smuggling and the inability to adequately protect its coastline and airspace, Guinea-Bissau was a particularly desirable target, and individuals in the upper echelons of the government, military, and other sectors were allegedly involved in drug trafficking.

Mounting conflict between the military elite and Vieira’s administration—fueled in part by ethnic tensions—generated increasing domestic instability, and in November 2008 Vieira survived an attack by mutinous soldiers that was described as an attempted coup. On March 2, 2009, Vieira was assassinated by soldiers who believed he was responsible for the death of the chief of the armed forces, Gen. Batista Tagme Na Waie, who had been killed in an explosion hours earlier. The military denied any intent to seize power, and, under the terms of the constitution, parliamentary leader Raimundo Perreira was sworn in to serve as interim president until elections could be held; they were eventually scheduled for June 28. On June 5, military authorities killed presidential candidate Baciro Dabo, former defense minister Helder Proenca, former prime minister Faustino Embali, and others, alleging that they were part of a group planning to overthrow the current government. Many senior PAIGC members were also detained as part of the operation to foil the alleged coup.

The tension and uncertainty surrounding the alleged coup and the military’s response to it did not interfere with the scheduled presidential election, which proceeded as planned on June 28. None of the 11 candidates were able to obtain a majority of votes, so election officials announced that the two front-runners—the PAIGC’s Malam Bacai Sanhá, who once briefly served as interim president, and former president Kumba Ialá—would face each other in a runoff election. In the second round of voting, held on July 26, 2009, Sanhá was victorious, receiving more than three-fifths of the vote.

Throughout his presidency, Sanhá was plagued by poor health and did not initiate much meaningful change in the unstable country. A short-lived military uprising occurred in April 2010, led by the deputy chief of staff, Maj. Gen. António N’djai, and former naval chief, Rear Adm. José Americo Bubo Na Tchuto, who had been involved in a previous coup attempt and was one of the country’s high-ranking officials allegedly involved in drug trafficking. In October 2010 Sanhá surprised many with his decision to reinstate Na Tchuto as naval chief, a decision that was questioned and criticized by the international community.

On December 26, 2011, while Sanhá was out of the country for medical reasons, an apparent coup attempt was quickly put down. The alleged mastermind behind the plot was Na Tchuto; he was one of many people arrested for suspected involvement with the coup. While the aftermath of the attempted coup was still being dealt with, on January 9, 2012, the government announced that Sanhá had died in Paris, where he had been undergoing medical treatment. Perreira once again served as interim president until a new president could be elected. In February Prime Minister Carlos Gomes Júnior stepped down so that he could serve as the PAIGC’s presidential candidate in the upcoming election.

Nine candidates contested the presidential election, which was held on March 18, 2012. Although the voting process was peaceful and deemed free and fair by international observers, there were some causes for concern, including the murder of Col. Samba Diallo, the former chief of military intelligence, shortly after the polls closed, and accusations of fraud were lodged by several of the candidates, including former president Ialá. When results were announced a few days later, Gomes Júnior emerged as the top vote getter, with 49 percent of the vote; his nearest challenger was Ialá, who garnered 23 percent. Since Gomes Júnior fell short of winning a majority, a runoff election between him and Ialá was scheduled for April 29, although Ialá said that he would boycott the second round of voting to protest the alleged fraud that he had previously complained about.

Before the runoff election could be held, however, a military coup occurred on April 12, and Gomes Júnior, interim president Perreira, and other government officials were arrested. Coup leaders stated that they did not plan on maintaining power and claimed that their action was necessary to prevent foreign aggression in the country and to counter alleged plans to downsize Guinea-Bissau’s military. The coup was widely condemned, and the African Union (AU) suspended Guinea-Bissau the next week. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) condemned the coup as well but negotiated with the coup leaders, with the goal of restoring constitutional order to the country. Negotiations did result in Perreira’s and Gomes Júnior’s being released and flown out of the country in late April, but talks broke down soon after that. As a result, on April 30 ECOWAS imposed sanctions on Guinea-Bissau and the leaders of the coup.

In the following weeks, the coup leaders and ECOWAS managed to reach an agreement regarding the restoration of civilian rule, and on May 11, 2012, the president of Guinea-Bissau’s National People’s Assembly, Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo, was named president of a transitional government that was intended to restore civilian rule within one year. Nhamadjo had finished third in the March presidential election and was asked by military leaders in April to lead a controversial two-year transitional government, but at the time he refused, denouncing the military’s proposal as being illegal.

The return to democratically elected civilian rule was stalled, as parliamentary and presidential elections, originally scheduled to take place in 2013, were delayed. When they finally occurred on April 13, 2014, the PAIGC made a strong showing: the party won slightly more than half of the legislative seats, and its presidential candidate, former finance minister José Mário Vaz, received about 41 percent of the vote. As Vaz did not secure an outright majority, he and the second-place candidate, independent Nuno Gomes Nabiam, who won about 25 percent of the vote, advanced to a runoff election held on May 18. Vaz again emerged victorious, winning about 62 percent of the vote. Citing the successful elections, the AU lifted its suspension on Guinea-Bissau on June 17, 2014. Vaz was inaugurated as president on June 23, 2014.

Vaz’s term saw much political turmoil, which included a lengthy power struggle between him and others in the PAIGC, more than half a dozen different prime ministers in five years, and a parliament unable to act. Parliamentary elections, held in March 2019, saw the PAIGC taking more seats than any other party. The first round of the presidential election was held on November 24, 2019. Former prime ministers Domingos Simões Pereira, representing the PAIGC, and Umaro Sissoco Embaló, representing the Movement for Democratic Alternation Group of 15 (Madem G-15) opposition party founded by former PAIGC members, were the two top vote-getters, taking about 40 percent and 28 percent respectively. Vaz, who ran as an independent, won little more than 12 percent.

Pereira and Embaló advanced to a runoff election held on December 29. Embaló was declared the winner with about 54 percent of the vote, although Pereira and the PAIGC voiced allegations of fraud and filed complaints with the Supreme Court. One, filed on February 26, 2020, was still pending when Embaló held his own inauguration ceremony on February 27. The next day he dismissed Prime Minister Aristides Gomes, replacing him with Nuno Gomes Nabiam, who took office on February 29. The legality of Embaló’s inauguration, however, was disputed by Pereira and the PAIGC because of the pending case with the Supreme Court, and Gomes rejected his dismissal as being unlawful. Meanwhile, the PAIGC-dominated parliament, the National People’s Assembly, did not recognize Embaló’s presidency and on February 28 swore in Cipriano Cassamá, the speaker of parliament, to serve as interim president. This left the country with two rival administrations and a worsening political crisis. Cassamá quickly resigned on March 1, though, saying that his life had been threatened and citing the risk of civil war. Also in March, military troops were deployed to various government offices and public broadcasting stations, which they temporarily occupied while Nabiam formed a new cabinet. In September the Supreme Court dismissed the PAIGC’s petition and upheld the results of the election; the PAIGC said it accepted the court’s ruling.

The political climate was still tense when an attempted coup occurred on February 1, 2022, during which Embaló and his government were reportedly targeted for assassination. Although the coup ultimately failed, 11 people were killed. It was not immediately clear who was behind the attempt, but Embaló stated the Bissau-Guinean military was not involved.