The period of relative unity (1227–60)

Campaigns in the west

In 1236 new campaigns were launched against the west, apparently with the intention of subjugating Russia and even eastern Europe and adding them to the ulus allotted to Batu Khan. The empire of the Volga Bulgars was annihilated in 1237/38, a victory which opened the way to Russia proper. Central and northern Russia at this time consisted of city-states and independent princedoms which fell one by one to the fierce attacks of the Mongol armies. The Mongol advance toward the Baltic Sea was brought to a standstill only by the Russian winter; the rich trading centre of Novgorod was thus one of the few Russian towns not to be sacked. Resistance in Russia ceased after the fall of Kyiv (December 1240). Further raids hit Poland, Galicia, and Volhynia; advance parties even reached Breslaù (Wrocław) in Silesia. A joint force of German and Polish knights under Duke Henry II of Silesia suffered a crushing defeat near Legnica (April 9, 1241), but the Mongols preferred not to penetrate farther into central Germany. Instead, they turned south in order to join forces with their armies operating in Hungary.

The attack on Hungary did not come as a surprise to King Béla IV. The Kipchaks, a Turkic nomad people in southern Russia, had been subject to Mongol rule, but under their chieftain Kuten a great part of them had fled from the Don and Dnieper steppes into Hungary and placed themselves under the protection of the Hungarians. Batu claimed that the Kipchaks were his vassals and asked the king of Hungary to send them back to Russia, announcing his intention to fight Hungary if his request was not granted. When he received no reply, he sent his southern army against Hungary.

This army, led by Subutai, an able general, succeeded in defeating the Hungarians at Mohi in April 1241. King Béla IV was forced to flee into Croatia. It does not seem that the Mongols ever intended to establish themselves permanently in Silesia and Moravia. In Hungary, however, they began to create a nucleus of Mongol administration and even struck coins, some of which have survived. The Hungarian plains may have appealed to them as possible pasturelands because of their similarity to the grasslands of southern Russia where the Mongols installed themselves permanently (as the later Golden Horde).

During the preceding years Mongol armies had also been operating in Iran, Georgia, and Greater Armenia. The Khwārezm sultan, who had fled before Genghis Khan’s attacks, became ruler of a kingdom in northwestern Iran and tried in vain to defend himself against the Mongols. He was murdered in 1231. Georgia had to recognize Mongol sovereignty in 1236. The advance of the Mongols in Europe and the Near East was, however, stopped by the death of the great khan Ögödei (December 11, 1241). The necessity to be present at the kuriltai, which had to elect a successor, and the necessity to assert their claims made some of the descendants of Genghis change their plans. Batu and his generals gave up whatever territory they had held in eastern Europe. The year 1241 therefore marks a turning point of the greatest importance in European history because in all probability Hungary at least would have become a Mongol dominion but for the sudden death of Ögödei.

Electing a new khan

The election of a new great khan proved difficult because no agreement could be reached. In the meantime Töregene, Ögödei’s widow, ruled by common consent of the Mongol nobles (1242–46). She wished the appointment of her son Güyük but met with bitter opposition from Batu, who believed he had a better claim, as a descendant of Genghis’s eldest son. She succeeded in securing Güyük’s election in 1246. There is an eyewitness account of this election by Giovanni da Pian del Carpini, who happened to be in Karakorum at that time as papal envoy. Güyük himself was, as a person, very different from his rival Batu. He was strongly influenced by Nestorianism and favoured Christian advisers, whereas Batu still adhered to traditional Mongol shamanism and was entirely indifferent to any outside religion. The two rivals began to prepare for war against each other, but Güyük’s premature death (1248) ended both the family feud with Batu and the chance of a Mongol court dominated by Christian influence.

The empire was entrusted to Güyük’s widow Ogul-Gaimish, who ruled as regent for three years before the nobles could reach agreement. Batu himself still showed some eagerness to assume the supreme power of great khan but gave up in the end because of old age and persuaded the Mongol nobles to give their votes to Möngke Khan, son of Tolui. This meant that the overlordship of the empire passed away from the house of Ögödei and went to the descendants of Genghis’s youngest son. The Chagatai branch of the family felt slighted after Möngke’s election (1251), and bitter hostility soon developed between the two families.

The reign of Möngke

Möngke himself had won fame during Batu’s western campaigns and distinguished himself in the field. He was a benevolent monarch and continued Güyük’s policy of universal tolerance toward all religions. In his reign the capital Karakorum reached a splendour which reflected the vastness of the empire. A European guest at the court in January 1254, the French friar Willem van Ruysbroeck left an interesting account of the Mongol capital, where Christian churches, Muslim mosques, and Buddhist temples flourished and envoys from the whole known world met. At the same time, Möngke continued to expand the empire and prepared for the conquest of hitherto unsubdued neighbouring countries. In this he was assisted by his two brothers Hülegü and Kublai. To Hülegü he entrusted the campaign against Iran, of which only a northern province had come firmly under Mongol control.

In 1255 Hülegü started his offensive. He wiped out the resistance of the powerful Assassin sect in 1256 and advanced toward Iraq. Baghdad, the capital of the caliphate, fell to the Mongols in 1258, and the last Abbasid caliph was put to death. These events had a far-reaching influence on the religious situation in the Near East. Christians and Shiʿis welcomed the Mongols because they had been antagonized by the Sunni orthodoxy of the caliphate. In Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor the Christians hoped for a further advance by Hülegü, who was regarded as a protector against their Islamic rulers and whose wife was a Nestorian Christian. In 1259 Hülegü’s armies moved into Syria, took Damascus and Aleppo, and reached the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. The road to Egypt seemed open, but in 1260 the Mamluk army inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mongols at the Battle of ʿAyn Jālūt. Egypt was saved and the further expansion of the Mongol empire was blocked.

Election of Kublai

At the other end of Asia a campaign with similar success took place against China. The leader was Kublai, whose generals outflanked the Chinese defenses by moving toward Annam via the southwest of China which was occupied by the independent Tai kingdom of Nan-chao. Later on Möngke himself took command of the China campaign (1257). Again, as in 1241, fate intervened and brought Mongol operations to a temporary standstill. Möngke died in August 1259 in the field during the siege of a provincial town in Sichuan. There followed, as usual, an internal feud between various claimants to the title of great khan. Kublai secured his own election while still in the field (1260), but his younger brother Arigböge proclaimed himself khan in Karakorum. Hülegü was too far away and moreover too immersed in his Syrian campaign to exert any influence over the election. He seems, however, to have favoured Kublai, and these two brothers at least remained friendly, although (or because) Kublai’s dominion was so distant and his overlordship therefore more or less nominal.

The year of Kublai’s accession to the throne marks, in any case, a turning point in the history of the Mongol empires. In theory Kublai was, as grand khan, the ruler of an empire stretching from China and Korea to Iran and southern Russia, but the diversity of the subjugated countries made itself more and more felt. Kublai came to regard himself as a Chinese emperor more than anything else, and similarly the other dominions developed on lines which were less and less Mongol. This tendency may be regarded as concomitant with the conversion of the various khans to other religions, chiefly Islam and Buddhism. In Kublai’s case this conversion from Mongol to Chinese civilization was accentuated by the transfer of his capital to Beijing (1260), which he began to rebuild in 1267. Mongolia was no longer the real centre of the empire, not even of Kublai’s dominions.