Beginning in the mid-1990s and continuing into the 2000s, Tanzania’s already-tenuous economy and food supply were strained by the number of refugees arriving from the neighbouring countries of Rwanda, Burundi, and Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of the Congo); the country eventually requested international aid to assist with the care of the refugees. Meanwhile, Tanzania was the site of a terrorist act in 1998 when the U.S. embassy in Dar es Salaam was bombed; 11 people were killed, and many more were injured.

Mkapa was reelected in late 2000 amid allegations of electoral fraud in Zanzibar. Several violent demonstrations followed, including one in January 2001 in which police intervention resulted in at least 40 people dead and 100 people injured. Zanzibar also experienced an escalation in Islamic militancy. Several demonstrations, violent attacks, and bombings in the 2000s were attributed to a few radical organizations protesting the government’s refusal to comply with their extremist views. In late 2004, 10 people were killed in Dar es Salaam by the Indian Ocean tsunami; the government was criticized for not doing enough to warn the public about the impending threat.

After more than a decade of preparation, Tanzania, Uganda, and Kenya launched the East African Community Customs Union in 2005 in an effort to stimulate economic activity in the region. In 2009 Tanzania signed an agreement providing for the free movement of people and goods across the East African Community, which by this time also included Burundi and Rwanda.

Meanwhile, Tanzania’s concurrent presidential and legislative elections were held on December 14, 2005. Former foreign minister Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete, the CCM candidate, was elected president; the CCM itself won a strong majority in the National Assembly. In the 2010 presidential and legislative elections, held on October 31, Kikwete won a second term as president, with 61 percent of the vote. The CCM, though losing some seats to the opposition, maintained a majority in the National Assembly. The elections were marred by allegations from several opposition groups claiming that votes were tampered with, and some domestic and international observers noted issues with the transparency of the vote-tabulation process.

Earlier that year, Zanzibar had held a referendum to decide on whether to form a government of national unity after the October elections; some 66 percent of voters opted in favour of the measure. In the following years, however, there were demands for greater independence as well as some calls for secession from Tanzania.

Corruption, long an issue in Tanzania, remained a troubling problem under Kikwete’s administration, despite his pledges and efforts to curb the malfeasance. Of particular note was Edward Lowassa, a prominent CCM member and ally of Kikwete, who had been prime minister but resigned in 2008 after being implicated in a corruption-related case; Lowassa denied the allegations. Two other ministers also resigned over the same scandal that year, and shortly thereafter Kikwete dismissed his entire cabinet. Another corruption-related cabinet purge came in 2012 when Kikwete fired six ministers for alleged widespread misuse of government funds. Although some members of government had been put on trial for corruption-related charges, convictions were rare. An exception occurred in July 2015 when former ministers Basil Mramba and Daniel Yona were each sentenced to three years in prison for corruption-related charges.

Kikwete saw the drafting of a new constitution during his second term. He first suggested a constitutional review in 2011, and the following year a commission was established to proceed. After gathering much input from Tanzanians across the country as well as constitutional law experts, the commission made several recommendations, including a move to a decentralized three-tier system of government. A constituent assembly—consisting of the members of the Tanzanian National Assembly and the Zanzibar House of Representatives as well as more than 200 delegates from civil society organizations—reviewed the recommendations and were charged with approving a draft that would be put to a national referendum; a two-thirds majority vote by the body was needed for approval. Many CCM members participating in the constituent assembly did not support the recommendation of changing to a decentralized government, fearing that the outcome of such a change would favour the opposition, while much of the opposition strongly supported the recommendation; this led to an impasse. Unhappy with the way the draft discussions were proceeding, in 2014 the leading opposition party, Chadema, and other opposition groups formed a coalition, Ukawa, and boycotted the constituent assembly in an attempt to have their grievances over the proceedings heard. That act, along with a hastily called and questionable vote on the draft by the rest of the assembly, led to a draft version’s being approved for referendum that did not include the three-tier government structure. Although the goal had been for the constitutional referendum to be held before the October 2015 presidential and legislative elections, in April the electoral commission announced that the referendum would need to be delayed.

With Kikwete due to step down after two terms as president, the CCM began the process of choosing a candidate for the 2015 presidential election. In July 2015 it selected government minister John Magufuli, who had a reputation for being ethical and tough on corruption. Longtime CCM stalwart and former prime minister Lowassa left the party after Magufuli’s selection, angered at being passed over for the spot; he soon joined Chadema. Chadema, meanwhile, had worked to increase its appeal and gain supporters; by 2014 it had become increasingly popular with younger voters. The party and its allies in the Ukawa coalition—its very existence noteworthy for being the first time in Tanzania’s history that the usually fractured opposition had united—agreed to field one candidate for the presidential election. Soon after Lowassa joined Chadema, he was named the presidential candidate of the coalition.

The presidential and parliamentary elections on October 25, 2015, were the country’s most closely contested polls, partly because of anger over corruption and the united front provided by the opposition. As results began to trickle in, it was clear that several CCM cabinet members had lost their legislative seats to Ukawa candidates. On October 28 the Zanzibar Electoral Commission chairman annulled the elections there, claiming that electoral laws had been violated; international observers were concerned with the annulment, feeling that it was unwarranted. Also that day, Lowassa called for a recount of the presidential vote, claiming that there were irregularities. Regardless, presidential results were released the next day, with Magufuli declared the winner with about 58 percent of the vote; Lowassa took almost 40 percent. Despite the loss of some seats, the CCM managed to maintain a majority in the National Assembly.

Zanzibar’s local presidential and parliamentary elections were rerun on March 20, 2016. The leading opposition party, the Civic United Front (CUF), maintaining that its candidate, Seif Sharif Hamad, had fairly won the October 2015 Zanzibar presidential election, boycotted the rerun. As such, the incumbent, Pres. Ali Mohamed Shein of the CCM, won more than 90 percent of the votes. Several diplomats reiterated their earlier position that the October election should not have been annulled and rerun. A leadership dispute in the CUF in the following years culminated in 2019, with Hamad and his supporters leaving the party to join ACT-Wazalendo, another opposition group.

Magufuli began his term as president winning accolades for his frugal tendencies, for a crackdown on corruption, and, later, for his focus on infrastructure projects. However, he and his administration also took on an increasingly authoritarian tone, as evidenced by such actions as exhibiting intolerance for and discrimination against individuals on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity and placing restrictions on the media and the opposition, especially as the 2020 elections grew closer. Magufuli was also criticized for his handling of the COVID-19 pandemic, implementing few of the recommended safety precautions and then prematurely declaring Tanzania free of the virus while it was spreading unchecked within the country.

The presidential and parliamentary elections were held on October 28, 2020. Magufuli faced 14 challengers, foremost of whom was Tundu Lissu, representing Chadema. Magufuli was declared the winner, with about 84 percent of the vote, and his CCM took more than 95 percent of the directly elected legislative seats. The presidency of Zanzibar was contested by more than a dozen candidates, including Hamad as the ACT-Wazalendo candidate and Hussein Mwinyi for the CCM. Mwinyi was declared the winner with about 76 percent of the vote. However, Chadema and ACT-Wazalendo called the elections in both locations fraudulent, and some Western countries cast doubt on the veracity of the results, citing reports of widespread voting irregularities and violence being committed by security forces against civilians. Nonetheless, Magufuli was sworn in for his second term on November 5. In Zanzibar, Mwinyi was sworn in on November 2. In accordance with Zanzibar’s constitutional provision for a government of national unity, Mwinyi named Hamad as first vice president; Hamad accepted the position and was sworn in on December 8. Hamad’s involvement in Mwinyi’s administration was short-lived, however, as he soon contracted COVID-19 and died on February 17, 2021. In March rumours swirled that Magufuli himself was battling COVID-19, but officials denied he was ill. However, on March 17 the government announced that Magufuli had died, citing heart-related complications as the cause of his death. Vice president Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in on March 19 to complete the remainder of his term; she was the first woman to serve as president in Tanzania.