About 10,000 years ago Central Africa began to undergo an economic revolution. It started in the north, where a new dry phase in the Earth’s history forced people to make better use of a more limited part of their environment as the desert spread southward once more. Hunters who had roamed the savanna settled beside the rivers and perfected their skills as fishermen. Gatherers who had harvested wild grain on the plains settled beside lakes, where they could sow some of their gleanings as seed in the moist and fertile soils left by the waters that withdrew at the end of each wet season. The northern border of Central Africa became one of the cradles of the world’s food-producing revolution.

The first features of the new way of life in northern Central Africa were vegeculture and agriculture. Vegeculture enabled people to collect wild plants on a more systematic basis and to protect the regions where wild tubers grew most plentifully. The regular harvesting of wild roots led to the perfection of specialized digging tools. Stone hoes were ground to a finer polish than the chipped cutting tools of an earlier age. Gradually women and men learned how to clear plots of fertile land and deliberately plant a piece of each root or tuber they ate to allow it to regenerate. They began to select the plant types that most readily lent themselves to domestication, to the ennoblement of regular crops, and to the development of agriculture. The white Guinea yam, Dioscorea rotundata, was the basis of the new root farming, which enabled the population to grow in the northern savanna from about 5000 bc.

The second phase of the local agricultural revolution was even more important and had an impact over a wide area of the tropical world. A type of cereal farming based on wild seed of the millet and sorghum families was first developed in the northern savanna. Millet farming became particularly successful in the tropics because, unlike wheat and barley, it did not require the long daylight hours of summer that occur in the temperate climes. Tropical cereals spread from Central Africa not only into West Africa but also eastward to India and eventually southward to Southern Africa.

The third phase of the food-producing revolution brought an increase in the scale of food production and in its quality. The tending of trees and the gathering of fruit were probably as old as any other form of vegeculture. One of the most valuable of the tree crops was the oil palm, Elaeis guineensis. The preparation of palm fruits to make cooking oil enhanced the nutritional quality of the diet with both proteins and vitamins, further enhancing health and leading to population growth and the search for new land to be colonized and cultivated. The tending of trees also enhanced the quality of life in another dimension: some palm trees could be tapped for their sap, and the juice became the basis of a widespread wine industry, adding a festivity to communal life.

A fourth and last aspect of early farming in Central Africa was the arrival of a new family of plants. This was the banana family (Musaceae), originally domesticated in the islands of Southeast Asia. Banana plants, like yam tubers, were propagated by cuttings and roots rather than by seeds, but they gradually spread from neighbour to neighbour until the crop had become a dominant one in many parts of Central Africa. Banana plants supplied edible roots and textile fibres, but the two fundamental contributions were vegetable bananas (plantains) for cooking and sweet bananas for brewing. The banana flourished particularly well in the wetter areas—in the forests, along the rivers, and in the mountains—and in many societies it became the essential crop. Steamed, baked, fried, or boiled, the banana became the staple carbohydrate of many Central African peoples, and they washed it down with a banana beer rich in nutrients.

The agricultural revolution in Central Africa was paralleled by another nutritional change as people became more skilled at catching fish. Fishermen—like farmers but unlike hunters—could settle in more permanent village communities. Their diet was richer and more varied. They could own more possessions than simply the weapons and clothes they carried with them. They could make rafts and canoes to transport people and goods on the numerous rivers and lakes. The most important technical innovation was the use of clay for making pots for cooking, brewing, and storing food or drink. A whole “fish-stew revolution” occurred when cooking could be done in earthenware vessels. Pottery also gives the earliest clues about the artistic styles of Central Africa; dotted and waved patterns were drawn on pot rims.

The growth of settled communities of hamlets and villages to which food was taken by carriers and canoes led to changes in architecture, social organization, land law and property rights, and warfare and the defense of territory. Although most families probably remained self-sufficient and did their own building, thatching, net making, and pot throwing, some skills may have been concentrated in the hands of a few people of authority or experience. Little evidence survives of Neolithic religion and ritual, but societies surely would have had priests to mediate between the gods and the mortals and to assist with the search for security in an age when the natural forces of fire or flood, plague or famine, were subject only to the most limited human control.

One important change that entered into the Neolithic world of Central Africa in the last millennium bc was the spread of new languages. These were spoken in the relatively prosperous and thickly peopled savanna and plateau regions of the Cameroon-Nigeria borderland and came to be known as the Bantu languages, meaning simply the languages of the people, the bantu. Languages spread along lines of communication: they followed trade as specialists offered their finest pots or their best axes for sale to their neighbours. They became the vernacular of the clustered villages. They were picked up by country folk who came to market. They were carried into new frontier lands by pioneers seeking less-crowded spaces. Within 1,000 to 2,000 years the eastern Bantu languages had spread across the northern border of Central Africa to reach the highlands of East Africa. Meanwhile, the speakers of the western Bantu languages had found new niches in the great forest and established rapport with the old hunting and foraging communities of both the coast and the river basins.

Not all the peoples of Central Africa were converted to Bantu speech and to the economic way of life of their new neighbours in the first flush of contact. Some hunting societies, commonly known as Twa (Pygmies), retained much of their own culture and lifestyle for another 2,000 years. Some intermarriage occurred with the Bantu speakers of the new villages, and the exchange of hunted meat for grown produce fostered a fairly close symbiotic relationship. Eventually even the Twa groups spoke the language of the new majority, which came to outnumber them in nearly all parts of the region. In the deepest forest, however, the hunting societies were able to protect traditional values to a marked degree. Even the great social and political upheavals that accompanied the advent of the Iron Age did not unduly disturb their long-standing and highly specialized relationship with the tropical environment.