- Key People:
- Elisabeth Kübler-Ross
- Related Topics:
- rigor mortis
- cell death
- decomposition
- coma dépassé
- clinical death
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Among the collected hymns of the Rigveda (which may date from 1500 bc and probably constitute the earliest known book in the world), there is a “Song of Creation.” “Death was not there,” it states, “nor was there aught immortal.” The world was a total void, except for “one thing, breathless, yet breathed by its own nature.” This is the first recorded insight into the importance of respiration to potential life.
Later, by about 600 bc, the Upaniṣads (a collection of searching, intellectually stimulating Indo-Aryan texts) record the quest for a coordinating principle that might underlie such diverse functions of the individual as speech, hearing, and intellect. An essential attribute of the living was their ability to breathe (an). Their praṇa (“breath”) was so vital that on its cessation the body and its faculties became lifeless and still. The word for “soul,” ātman, is derived from an, thus placing the concept of breath at the very core of the individual self or soul.
The Hindu concept of the soul is central to an understanding of most Hindu practices related to death. The practices that the religion inspires entail acts that appear contradictory. What is unique to Hinduism, however, is that these are not perceived as contradictions. A common thread unites the most abstract philosophical speculations and beliefs in ghosts; a deep respect for nonviolence and the bloodiness of certain sacrificial rites; extreme asceticism and the sexual aspects of Tantric worship. At very different levels of sophistication, these all represent attempts to expand human perception of the truth and to achieve a cosmic consciousness. To the intellectually inclined Hindu, the eternal, infinite, and all-pervasive principle of Brahman alone is real, and the acquisition of cosmic consciousness allows humans to become one with it. The individual soul (ātman) is merely a particle of this cosmic principle, the relationship being likened to that between air, temporarily trapped in an earthen jar, and the endless space without; or to that between a particular wave and the ocean as a whole.
Death practices are probably more important in Hinduism than in any other religion. At one level they derive from explicit religious premises. Each being is predestined to innumerable rebirths (saṃsāra), and one’s aggregate moral balance sheet (karman) determines both the length of each life and the specific form of each rebirth. Moral attributes are minutely quantifiable causal agents: every grain sown in this existence is reaped in the next. The prospect of innumerable lives is therefore envisaged with dismay. To escape the dreaded rebirths is to achieve final emancipation (mokṣa). “Life everlasting” (at least of the type already sampled) is the last thing a Hindu would aspire to. Mokṣa can be achieved only by the saintly, or perhaps by those who have died in Vārānasi and had their ashes strewed on the Ganges River. For others, the wages of worldliness is inevitable reincarnation.
Hindu death practices, however, also reflect popular beliefs and fears, as well as local customs. They thus may vary considerably from region to region or from sect to sect, bearing a rather variable relation to religious doctrine. Many practices are derived from the Dharma-śastra of Manu, the most authoritative of the books of Hindu sacred law. The alleged author of the book is the mythical sage Manu, who combined flood-surviving attributes (like Noah of Jews and Christians, and Utnapishtim of the Mesopotamians) with law-giving propensities (like Moses and Hammurabi). The book, which grew by repeated additions over many centuries, reflects the evolving interests of a male Brahman priesthood: its prescriptions are overwhelmingly recorded in terms of what is appropriate for men. Women are seldom referred to, and then often in derogatory terms.
Death practices
Hindus hold that a span of 120 years has been allotted to human life, a strange notion in a country where the average life expectancy was under 30 into the 20th century. They have no difficulty with the concept of death as a process. Mythological beliefs involving early Vedic gods held that the god reigning over the ears departed early, as did the gods of the eyes, hands, and mind.
When devout Hindus sense death approaching, they begin repeating the monosyllable Om. (This word refers to Brahman and is widely used in religious observance to help concentrate the mind on what matters.) If it is the last word on a person’s lips, it guarantees a direct passage to mokṣa. When the dying are judged to have only an hour or so left, they are moved from their bed to a mattress on the floor and their heads are shaved. The space between ground and the ceiling is thought to symbolize the troubled area between earth and sky, and those dying there may return after death as evil spirits. A space on the ground is sanctified with Ganges water and various other ingredients, including cow dung, barley, and sesame seeds. A Hindu should never die in bed, but lying on the ground. As they take their last breaths, the dying are moved from the mattress to ground. Experienced members of the family are usually present to help decide the opportune moment. Water taken from the confluence of the rivers Ganges and Yamuna (at Allahābād) is poured into the mouth, into which is also placed a leaf of the tulsi plant (Ocimum sanctum). The forehead is smeared with white clay (gopi candana). A woman whose death precedes her husband’s is considered so fortunate that her face, and especially her forehead, may be smeared with red. Sometimes, if there is doubt as to whether death has occurred, a lump of ghee (clarified butter) is placed on the forehead; if it does not melt, it is taken as a sign that life is extinct—an interesting but potentially misleading practice in the light of modern awareness of how hypothermia can mimic death. The dead body is wrapped in clean cloth of varying colours that indicate age. In the home the relatives walk clockwise around the body; they will walk around the funeral pyre in the opposite direction.
The body is looked upon as an offering to Agni, god of fire. According to the Vedas, the Indo-Aryans used to bury their dead. Why the Hindus and Buddhists burn theirs has been the subject of much controversy. It has been variously interpreted as a gesture of purification, as the most efficient means of releasing the soul from the corrupted body, as a public health measure with important ecological benefits in a crowded country, or as a symbol of the transitory nature of any particular life and the desire that it should end in permanent anonymity. Fire taken from the deceased’s home is transported to the cremation ground in a black earthen pot; this is carried immediately in front of the deceased, and nothing must come between them. For many years women were not allowed to follow the cortege, and only the wives of Brahmans could walk around the pyre. At the cremation site, a lighted torch is handed to the eldest son or grandson, who ignites the pyre, near the feet of the dead woman, at the head of the dead man. While the body is burning the soul is thought to seek refuge within the head. The intense heat usually explodes the skull, liberating the soul; when this does not happen spontaneously, the skull is deliberately shattered by blows from a cudgel. Other traditions hold that the soul passes out through the nose, eyes, and mouth. Some believe it is better still if it leaves through the anterior fontanel, an opening in the skull that normally closes during early childhood. Such theorists hold that if the deceased has practiced yoga or intense meditation, this opening will reopen, allowing free passage to the soul. In some parts of India it is believed that the souls of the really wicked depart through the rectum, and in so doing acquire such defilement that endless purification is necessary.
Children under the age of two are not cremated but buried. When dying, they are not placed on the ground; instead they are allowed to expire in their mothers’ arms. There are no special death rites; it is felt the child must have been a monster of iniquity in its previous life to have incurred such a terrible karman. Infant mortality is clearly attributed to the child’s own wickedness and carries a load of 84 lakhs of rebirths (i.e., the child has to be reborn 8,400,000 times). The ceremonial defilement of relatives is short, lasting only three days. Among the very high-caste Nagaras, when a pregnant woman dies the fetus is removed and buried, while the mother is cremated.
Ascetics, too, are buried rather than burnt, usually in an upright posture with the body surrounded with salt. Lepers and smallpox victims used to be buried in a recumbent position. Smallpox has been eradicated, and leprosy victims are usually cremated. If a Hindu “breaks caste” by becoming either a Muslim or a Christian, a death ceremony is conducted, the relatives bathe to purge their defilement, and the person’s name is never mentioned again. The concept of death clearly influences what is deemed appropriate death behaviour, as was argued earlier in this article.