The then-established views regarding the nature of geography were set out in two large volumes in the early 1950s: Geography in the Twentieth Century (1951), edited by Griffith Taylor, and American Geography: Inventory and Prospect (1954), edited by Preston James and Clarence Jones. However, by then there was growing unease in North America and the United Kingdom with the dominant orientation of the discipline. It was seen as overemphasizing vertical (or society-environment) relationships and largely ignoring the horizontal (or spatial) relationships that characterized societies in which movement and exchange were so important. Geographers, it was argued, should pay more attention to spatial organization of economic, social, and political activities across the environmental backdrops. Too much effort was spent, as George Kimble expressed it,

drawing boundaries that don’t exist around areas that don’t matter…from the air it is the links in the landscape that impress the observer, not the boundaries.

Studies of areal functional organization were inaugurated, both for their intrinsic interest and because of their value; one pioneer, Robert Dickinson, argued that functional regions around towns and cities should be used to define regional and local government areas.

There was also a growing belief that the methods for defining regions were out of line with the scientific approaches characterizing other disciplines. Some felt that geographers had not contributed well to the war effort: Edward A. Ackerman, a professor of geography at the University of Chicago from 1948 to 1955 (and later head of the Carnegie Foundation), claimed that those working in the U.S. government’s intelligence service had only a weak understanding of their material and portrayed them as “more or less amateurs in the subjects on which they published.” He argued that geographers should follow not only the natural sciences but also most of the social sciences and should adopt more-rigorous research procedures.

Although there were moves in those directions in a number of places, the arguments were focused in 1953 by a paper in the prestigious Annals of the Association of American Geographers that strongly criticized what Ackerman called the “Hartshornian [i.e., regional] orthodoxy.” Kurt Schaefer, a German-trained geographer at the University of Iowa, argued that science is characterized by its explanations. These involve laws, or generalized statements of observed regularities, that identify cause-and-effect relationships. According to Schaefer, “to explain the phenomena one has described means always to recognize them as instances of laws”; for him the major regularities that geographers study relate to spatial patterns (the horizontal relationships identified above), and so “geography has to be conceived as the science concerned with the formulation of the laws governing the spatial distribution of certain features on the earth’s surface.”

Schaefer codified what an increasing number of geographers were thinking, identifying a need for a major reorientation of—if not revolution in—its practices. The main thrusts occurred elsewhere. One of the most influential early centres was the University of Washington in Seattle, led by William Garrison and Edward Ullman. Their students, such as Brian Berry, William Bunge, Richard Morrill, and Waldo Tobler, became leading protagonists of the new geography, which rapidly spread to other universities in the United States, such as Northwestern, Chicago, and Ohio State in Columbus. It soon reached the United Kingdom, with initial centres at Cambridge and Bristol.

Much inspiration for these shifts came from economists, sociologists, and other social scientists, who were developing theories of spatial organization and using quantitative methods to test their hypotheses. The human geographers who followed their lead promoted in their practices what became known as the “quantitative and theoretical revolution.” So too did physical geographers, who, for example, switched their focus from simply describing landforms to searching for scientific explanations of how they were created.

Three main arguments underpinned this paradigm shift in geographical practice. The first was that geography should become more scientifically rigorous, adopting the experimental science model (positivism) already in use by economists. The goal included deductive reasoning, which led to hypothesis testing with the goal of producing explanatory laws. The second was that such rigour required quantitative methods to provide precise descriptions and exact, reproducible research findings—unequivocal lawlike statements. Finally, with such a shift in disciplinary practices, the applied value of geographical work would be appreciated—in, for example, environmental and city and regional planning. Geography should be the science of spatial arrangements and environmental processes. Success in this promotion of geography as a science was crucial in winning recognition for the discipline in the United States from the National Science Foundation in the 1960s, initially as part of a Geography and Regional Science Program.

The success of those promoting change was assisted by the expansion of higher education. More students were going to colleges and universities, and new institutions were being founded. More geographers were needed to teach the subject, and many of those who were recruited preferred the novel approaches. The “revolutions” were to a considerable extent generational. The larger number of practicing geographers also precluded a small number of individuals imposing their views on the discipline; instead, there was encouragement to experiment and explore new topics and approaches. Furthermore, universities were increasingly emphasizing their research as well as teaching roles, and the new generations of geographers were more active as researchers than their predecessors. So more was done by more people, leading to greater specialization. Soon geography increasingly fragmented into specialist subdisciplines.