Socialist Albania
The Stalinist state
The new rulers inherited an Albania plagued by a host of ills: pervasive poverty, overwhelming illiteracy, gjakmarrje (“blood feuds”), epidemics of disease, and gross subjugation of women. In an attempt to eradicate these ills, the communists drafted a radical modernization program intended to bring social and economic liberation to Albania, thus completing the political liberation won in 1912. The government’s first major act to “build socialism” was swift, uncompromising agrarian reform, which broke up the large landed estates of the southern beys and distributed the parcels to landless and other peasants. This destroyed the powerful class of the beys. The government also moved to nationalize industry, banks, and all commercial and foreign properties. Shortly after the agrarian reform, the Albanian government started to collectivize agriculture, completing the job in 1967. As a result, peasants lost title to their land. In addition, the Hoxha leadership extended the new socialist order to the more rugged and isolated northern highlands, in turn bringing down the age-old institution of the blood feud and the patriarchal structure of the family and clans and thus destroying the semifeudal class of bajraktars. The traditional role of women—namely, confinement to the home and farm—changed radically as they gained legal equality with men and became active participants in all areas of society.
In order to obtain the economic aid needed for modernization, as well as the political and military support to enhance its security, Albania turned to the communist world: Yugoslavia (1944–48), the Soviet Union (1948–61), and China (1961–78). Economically, Albania benefited greatly from these alliances: with hundreds of millions of dollars in aid and credits and with the assistance of a large number of technicians and specialists sent by its allies, Albania was able to build the foundations of a modern industry and to introduce mechanization into agriculture. As a result, for the first time in modern history, the Albanian populace began to emerge from age-old backwardness and, for a while, enjoyed a higher standard of living.
Politically, Hoxha was disillusioned with his communist allies and patrons and broke with each one, charging that they had abandoned Marxism-Leninism and the cause of the proletariat for the sake of rapprochement with the capitalist West. Alienated from both East and West, Albania adopted a “go-it-alone” policy and became notorious as an isolated bastion of Stalinism.
Hoxha’s program for modernization aimed at transforming Albania from a backward agrarian country into a modern industrial society, and, indeed, within four decades Albania had made respectable—in some cases historic—strides in the development of industry, agriculture, education, the arts, and culture. A notable achievement was the drainage of coastal swamplands—previously breeding grounds for malarial mosquitoes—and the reclamation of land for agricultural and industrial uses. Also symbolic of the change was a historic language reform that fused elements of the Gheg (Geg) and Tosk dialects into a unified literary language.
Political oppression, however, offset gains made on the material and cultural planes. Contrary to provisions in the constitution, during Hoxha’s reign Albania was in effect ruled by the Directorate of State Security, known as the Sigurimi. To eliminate dissent, the government periodically resorted to purges, in which opponents were subjected to public criticism, dismissed from their jobs, imprisoned in forced-labour camps, or executed. Travel abroad was forbidden to all but those on official business. In 1967 the religious establishment, which party leaders and other atheistic Albanians viewed as a backward medieval institution that hampered national unity and progress, was officially banned, and all Christian and Muslim houses of worship were closed.
Collapse of communism
After Hoxha’s death in 1985, his handpicked successor, Ramiz Alia, sought to preserve the communist system while introducing gradual reforms in order to revive the economy, which had been declining steadily since the cessation of aid from former communist allies. To this end he legalized some investment in Albania by foreign firms and expanded diplomatic relations with the West. But, with the fall of communism in eastern Europe in 1989, various segments of Albanian society became politically active and began to agitate against the government. The most alienated groups were the intellectuals and the working class—traditionally the vanguard of a communist movement or organization—as well as Albania’s youth, which had been frustrated by years of confinement and restrictions. In response to these pressures, Alia granted Albanian citizens the right to travel abroad, curtailed the powers of the Sigurimi, restored religious freedom, and adopted some free-market measures for the economy. In December 1990 Alia endorsed the creation of independent political parties, thus signaling an end to the communists’ official monopoly of power.
With each concession to the opposition, the state’s absolute control over Albanian society weakened. Continuing economic, social, and political instability led to the fall of several governments, and in March 1992 a decisive electoral victory was won by the anticommunist opposition, led by the Democratic Party. Alia resigned as president and was succeeded by Sali Berisha, the first democratic leader of Albania since Bishop Noli.
Democratic Albania
Albania’s progress toward democratic reform enabled it to gain membership in the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (now the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe), formally bringing to an end its isolation. Efforts to establish a free-market economy caused severe dislocations, but they also opened the road for Albania to obtain large amounts of aid from developed countries. Albania thus began integrating its politics and institutions with the West, which Albanians have historically viewed as their cultural and geographic home.
In 1997 the economy collapsed when many Albanians lost their savings in various pyramid investment schemes. United Nations peacekeeping troops were brought in to quell the resulting civil disorder, and the Albanian Socialist Party won by a landslide in legislative elections later that year (and maintained power in elections in 2001 at the head of the Alliance for the State coalition). In 1999 some 450,000 ethnic Albanians sought refuge in Albania from the war in the Kosovo region of Serbia. Ethnic turmoil also strained Albania’s relations with the Macedonian republic in 2001, when that country’s large Albanian minority staged an armed rebellion. Tensions had cooled by 2003, and the two countries, along with Croatia, agreed to join together to fight organized crime.
Power shifted back to the Democratic Party following the 2005 legislative elections, and former president Berisha was named prime minister. He worked to implement economic and social changes in order to gain membership in the European Union (EU) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), including taking measures to lower Albania’s high rates of crime and deterring corruption and drug trafficking. In 2008 Albania was formally invited to join NATO, and on April 1, 2009, it became an official member of the alliance. Berisha remained prime minister following legislative elections that June, when the Democrats defeated the Socialists by a slim margin. The official results came almost one month after the polls had closed, because the Socialists had demanded a recount. Some international observers also stated that electoral irregularities had occurred. The Socialists responded by boycotting the parliament and organizing street protests against the Berisha government. In January 2011 a demonstration outside the prime minister’s office turned violent, and four protesters were shot and killed by guards. The ongoing tension between the government and the opposition undermined Albania’s attempts to obtain candidate status for accession to the EU. While Albania’s political class struggled to restore voter confidence and establish transparency in the country’s election procedures, a sluggish economy plagued Albania. Trading partners such as Italy and Greece were at the centre of the euro area’s debt crisis, and exports and foreign remittances suffered accordingly.
The campaign leading up to the June 2013 general election was largely peaceful and orderly, but it was marred by a shooting on election day that left a Democratic candidate wounded and a Socialist supporter dead. The results of that election signaled a dramatic change in the Albanian political order. The Socialists, led by former Tirana mayor Edi Rama, captured a sizable majority of seats in the parliament, and Berisha, who had been the dominant figure in Albanian politics since the fall of communism, conceded defeat. In 2014, Albania was granted candidate status for accession to the EU, but the country’s progress toward full membership depended on the enactment of significant political and economic reforms. The coalition led by Rama’s Socialist Party triumphed in local elections in June 2015, winning 46 of 61 mayoral races. The event signaled a welcome turning point in the country’s postcommunist history, as it was largely free of the irregularities and violence that had marked previous elections.
Peter R. Prifti The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica