saga

Translations

European narratives were known in Iceland in the 12th and 13th centuries and undoubtedly served as models for Icelandic writers when they set out to form a coherent picture of early Scandinavian history. Translations of lives of the saints and apostles and accounts of the Holy Virgin testify to the skill of Icelandic prose writers in handling the vernacular for narrative purposes from the 12th century onward. Histories were also adapted and translated from Latin, based on those of the 7th- and 8th-century Anglo-Saxon writer Bede, the 7th-century Spanish historian St. Isidore of Sevilla, and others; on fictitious accounts of the Trojan wars, notably one of the 5th century attributed to Dares Phrygius and one of the 4th century attributed to Dictys Cretensis; on the 12th-century British chronicler Geoffrey of Monmouth; and on the 1st-century Roman historians Sallust and Lucan. In the 13th century Abbot Brandr Jónsson wrote a history of the Jews based on the Vulgate, on the 10th-century biblical scholar Peter Comestor, and on other sources.

In the 13th century, saga literature was also enriched by Norwegian prose translations of French romance literature. These soon found their way into Iceland, where they were popular and a strong influence on native storywriting. Probably the earliest, Tristrams saga (the story of Tristan and Iseult), was translated in 1226. Most of the themes of French romance appear in Icelandic versions; e.g., Karlamagnús saga was based on Charlemagne legends.

Native historical accounts

Icelandic historians seem to have started writing about their country’s past toward the end of the 11th century. Sæmundr Sigfússon, trained as a priest in France, wrote a Latin history of the kings of Norway, now lost but referred to by later authors. The first Icelander to use the vernacular for historical accounts was Ari Þorgilsson, whose Íslendingabók (or Libellus Islandorum [The Book of the Icelanders]) survives. It is a concise description of the course of Icelandic history from the beginning of the settlement (c. 870) to 1118. Ari seems to have written this book about 1125, but before that date he may already have compiled (in collaboration with Kolskeggr Ásbjarnarson) the so-called Landnámabók (“Book of Settlements”), which lists the names and land claims of about 400 settlers. Because this work survives only in 13th- and 14th-century versions, it is impossible to tell how much of it is Ari’s. Both books gave the Icelanders a clear picture of the beginning of their society; both works served to stimulate public interest in the period during which events recounted in the sagas of Icelanders (see below) are supposed to have taken place. Other factual accounts of the history of Iceland followed later: Kristni saga describes Iceland’s conversion to Christianity about the end of the 10th century and the emergence of a national church. Hungrvaka (“The Appetizer”) contains accounts of the lives of the first five bishops of Skálholt, from the mid-11th century to the third quarter of the 12th century; the biographies of other prominent bishops are in the Biskupa sǫgur. Though some of these have a strong hagiographical flavour, others are soberly written and of great historical value. The period from about 1100 to 1264 is also dealt with in several secular histories, known collectively as Sturlunga saga, the most important of which is the Íslendinga saga (“The Icelanders’ Saga”) of Sturla Þórðarson, who describes in memorable detail the bitter personal and political feuds that marked the final episode in the history of the Icelandic commonwealth (c. 1200–64).

Kings’ sagas

After Sæmundr Sigfússon, Icelandic and Norwegian authors continued to explore the history of Scandinavia in terms of rulers and royal families, some of them writing in Latin and others in the vernacular. Broadly speaking, the kings’ sagas fall into two distinct groups: contemporary (or near contemporary) biographies and histories of remoter periods. To the first group belonged a now-lost work, written circa 1170 by an Icelander called Eiríkr Oddsson, dealing with several 12th-century kings of Norway. Sverris saga describes the life of King Sverrir (reigned 1184–1202). The first part was written by Abbot Karl Jónsson under the supervision of the king himself, but it was completed (probably by the abbot) in Iceland after Sverrir’s death. Sturla Þórðarson wrote two royal biographies: Hákonar saga on King Haakon Haakonsson (c. 1204–63) and Magnús saga on his son and successor, Magnus VI Law-Mender (Lagabǫter; reigned 1263–80); of the latter only fragments survive. In writing these sagas, Sturla used written documents as source material and, like Abbot Karl before him, also relied on the accounts of eyewitnesses. Works on the history of the earlier kings of Norway include two Latin chronicles of Norwegian provenance, one of which was compiled circa 1180, and two vernacular histories, also written in Norway, the so-called Ágrip (c. 1190) and Fagrskinna (c. 1230). The Icelandic Morkinskinna (c. 1220) deals with the kings of Norway from 1047 to 1177; an outstanding feature of it is that it tells some brilliant stories of Icelandic poets and adventurers who visited the royal courts of Scandinavia.

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The kings’ sagas reached their zenith in the Heimskringla, or Noregs konunga sǫgur (“History of the Kings of Norway”), of Snorri Sturluson, which describes the history of the royal house of Norway from legendary times down to 1177. Snorri, a leading 13th-century Icelandic poet, used as sources all the court poetry from the 9th century onward that was available to him. He also used many earlier histories of the kings of Norway and other written sources. Heimskringla is a supreme literary achievement that ranks Snorri Sturluson with the great writers of medieval Europe. He interpreted history in terms of personalities rather than politics, and many of his character portrayals are superbly drawn. Two of the early kings of Norway, Ólaf Tryggvason (reigned 995–1000) and Ólaf Haraldsson (Ólaf the Saint; reigned 1015–30), received special attention from Icelandic antiquarians and authors. Only fragments of a 12th-century Ólafs saga helga (“St. Ólaf’s Saga”) survive; a 13th-century biography of the same king by Styrmir Kárason is also largely lost. (Snorri Sturluson wrote a brilliant saga of St. Ólaf, rejecting some of the grosser hagiographical elements in his sources; this work forms the central part of his Heimskringla.) About 1190 a Benedictine monk, Oddr Snorrason, wrote a Latin life of Ólaf Tryggvason, of which an Icelandic version still survives. A brother in the same monastery, Gunnlaugur Leifsson, expanded this biography, and his work was incorporated into later versions of Ólafs saga Tryggvasonar. Closely related to the lives of the kings of Norway are Færeyinga saga, describing the resistance of Faeroese leaders to Norwegian interference during the first part of the 11th century, and Orkneyinga saga, dealing with the rulers of the earldom of Orkney from about 900 to the end of the 12th century. These two works were probably written about 1200. The history of the kings of Denmark from circa 940 to 1187 is told in Knýtlinga saga.

Legendary sagas

The learned men of medieval Iceland took great pride in their pagan past and copied traditional poems on mythological and legendary themes. In due course some of these narrative poems served as the basis for sagas in prose. In his Edda (probably written c. 1225), Snorri Sturluson tells several memorable stories, based on ancient mythological poems, about the old gods of the North, including such masterpieces as the tragic death of Balder and the comic tale of Thor’s journey to giantland. Snorri’s book also contains a summary of the legendary Nibelungen cycle. (A much fuller treatment of the same theme is to be found in Vǫlsunga saga and Þiðriks saga, the latter composed in Norway and based on German sources.) Other Icelandic stories based on early poetic tradition include Heiðreks saga; Hrólfs saga kraka, which has a certain affinity with the Old English poem Beowulf; Hálfs saga og Hálfsrekka; Gautreks saga; and Ásmundar saga kappabana, which tells the same story as the Old High German Hildebrandslied, that of a duel of honour between a father and a son.

The term legendary sagas also covers a number of stories the antecedents and models of which are not exclusively native. These sagas are set in what might be called the legendary heroic age at one level and also vaguely in the more recent Viking age at the other, the action taking place in Scandinavia and other parts of the Viking world, from Russia to Ireland, but occasionally also in the world of myth and fantasy. It is mostly through valour and heroic exploits that the typical hero’s personality is realized. He is, however, often a composite character, for some of his features are borrowed from a later and more refined ethos than that of early Scandinavia. He is in fact the synthesis of Viking ideals on the one hand and of codes of courtly chivalry on the other. Of individual stories the following are notable: Egils saga einhenda ok Ásmundar berserkjabana, which skillfully employs the flashback device; Bósa saga ok Herrauðs, exceptional for its erotic elements; Friðþjófs saga ins frækna, a romantic love story; Hrólfs saga Gautrekssonar; Gǫngu-Hrólfs saga; and Hálfdanar saga Eysteinssonar. There are many more. The legendary sagas are essentially romantic literature, offering an idealized picture of the remote past, and many of them are strongly influenced by French romance literature. In these sagas the main emphasis is on a lively narrative, entertainment being their primary aim and function. Some of the themes in the legendary sagas are also treated in the Gesta Danorum of the 12th-century Danish historian Saxo Grammaticus, who states that some of his informants for the legendary history of Denmark were Icelanders.

Sagas of Icelanders

In the late 12th century, Icelandic authors began to fictionalize the early part of their history (c. 900–1050), and a new literary genre was born: the sagas of Icelanders. Whereas the ethos of the kings’ sagas and of the legendary sagas is aristocratic and their principal heroes warlike leaders, the sagas of Icelanders describe characters who are essentially farmers or farmers’ sons or at least people who socially were not far above the author’s public, and their conduct and motivation are measurable in terms of the author’s own ethos. These authors constantly aimed at geographic, social, and cultural verisimilitude; they made it their business to depict life in Iceland as they had experienced it or as they imagined it had actually been in the past. Though a good deal of the subject matter was evidently derived from oral tradition and thus of historical value for the period described, some of the best sagas are largely fictional; their relevance to the authors’ own times mattered perhaps no less than their incidental information about the past. An important aim of this literature was to encourage people to attain a better understanding of their social environment and a truer knowledge of themselves through studying the real and imagined fates of their forebears. A spirit of humanism, sometimes coloured by a fatalistic heroic outlook, pervades the narrative. The edificatory role, however, was never allowed to get out of hand or dominate the literary art; giving aesthetic pleasure remained the saga writer’s primary aim and duty.

Nothing is known of the authorship of the sagas of Icelanders, and it has proved impossible to assign a definite date to many of them. It seems improbable that in their present form any of them could have been written before about1200. The period circa1230–90 has been described as the golden age of saga writing because such masterpieces as Egils saga, Víga-Glúms saga, Gísla saga Súrssonar, Eyrbyggja saga, Hrafnkels saga Freysgoða, Bandamanna saga, Hænsna-Þóris saga, and Njáls saga appear to have been written during that time. Although a number of sagas date from the 14th century, only one, Grettis saga, can be ranked with the classical ones.

The sagas of Icelanders can be subdivided into several categories according to the social and ethical status of the principal heroes. In some the hero is a poet who sets out from the rural society of his native land in search of fame and adventure to become the retainer of the king of Norway or some other foreign ruler. Another feature of these stories is that the hero is also a lover. To this group belong some of the early 13th-century sagas, including Kormáks saga, Hallfreðar saga vandræðaskálds, and Bjarnar saga hítdælakappa. In Gunnlaugs saga ormstungu, which may have been written after the middle of the 13th century, the love theme is treated more romantically than in the others. Fóstbræðra saga (“The Blood-Brothers’ Saga”) describes two contrasting heroes: one a poet and lover, the other a ruthless killer. Egils saga offers a brilliant study of a complex personality—a ruthless Viking who is also a sensitive poet, a rebel against authority from early childhood who ends his life as a defenseless, blind old man. In several sagas the hero becomes an outlaw fighting a hopeless battle against the social forces that have rejected him. To this group belong Harðar saga og Hólmverja and Droplaugarsona saga. But the greatest of the outlaw sagas are Gísla saga Súrssonar, describing a man who murders his own brother-in-law and whose sister reveals his dark secret, and Grettis saga, which deals with a hero of great talents and courage who is constantly fighting against heavy odds and is treacherously slain by an unscrupulous enemy.

Most of the sagas of Icelanders, however, are concerned with people who are fully integrated members of society, either as ordinary farmers or as farmers who also act as chieftains. Hrafnkels saga describes a chieftain who murders his shepherd, is then tortured and humiliated for his crime, and finally takes cruel revenge on one of his tormentors. The hero who gives his name to Hænsna-Þoris saga is a man of humble background who makes money as a peddler and becomes a wealthy but unpopular landowner. His egotism creates trouble in the neighbourhood, and, after he has set fire to one of the farmsteads, killing the farmer and the entire household, he is prosecuted and later put to death. Ǫlkofra þáttr (the term þáttr is often used for a short story) and Bandamanna saga (“The Confederates’ Saga”) satirize chieftains who fail in their duty to guard the integrity of the law and try to turn other people’s mistakes into profit for themselves. The central plot in Laxdæla saga is a love triangle in which the jealous heroine forces her husband to kill his best friend. Eyrbyggja saga describes a complex series of feuds between several interrelated families; Hávarðar saga Ísfirðings is about an old farmer who takes revenge on his son’s killer, the local chieftain; Víga-Glúms saga tells of a ruthless chieftain who commits several killings and swears an ambiguous oath in order to cover his guilt; while Vatnsdæla saga is the story of a noble chieftain whose last act is to help his killer escape.

In the sagas of Icelanders justice, rather than courage, is often the primary virtue, as might be expected in a literature that places the success of an individual below the welfare of society at large. This theme is an underlying one in Njáls saga, the greatest of all the sagas. It is a story of great complexity and richness, with a host of brilliantly executed character portrayals and a profound understanding of human strengths and weaknesses. Its structure is highly complex, but at its core is the tragedy of an influential farmer and sage who devotes his life to a hopeless struggle against the destructive forces of society but ends it inexorably when his enemies set fire to his house, killing his wife and sons with him.