Immigration was also the focus of another controversial executive order early in Trump’s term. Issued in late January, the order suspended immigration from seven Muslim-majority countries and, in the eyes of many, effectively fulfilled Trump’s campaign promise to institute a “Muslim ban.” This so-called travel ban was immediately greeted with widespread protests at U.S. airports. By early February, enforcement of the ban had been enjoined nationwide by order of a district court in Washington state. After the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals declined to stay the order, in March the Trump administration superseded the first executive order with a second that was crafted to get around the constitutional challenges to the first that were grounded in the assertion that it violated both the due process clause and the establishment-of-religion clause. Enforcement of the new ban—which removed Iraq from the list of countries involved and narrowed the categories of affected persons—was blocked by injunctions issued by district courts in Hawaii and Maryland that were largely upheld in May and June by the Fourth and Ninth Circuit Courts of Appeals, respectively. In June the U.S. Supreme Court put these cases on the docket for its October 2017 term and in the interim removed the injunctions for “foreign nationals who lack any bona fide relationship with a person or entity in the United States.”

Pursuing “repeal and replacement” of Obamacare

The “repeal and replacement” of Obamacare—another of Trump’s central campaign pledges and a fundamental objective for the Republican Party during the Obama era—moved forward slowly, in fits and starts. In the absence of a detailed plan from the Trump administration, House Republicans, led by Speaker Paul Ryan, took the lead in advancing the American Health Care Act (AHCA), which was intended to reduce the federal government’s involvement in health care without eliminating the care provided for millions of Americans by the PPACA, long characterized by Republicans as a costly catastrophe. Introduced in March, the AHCA met with lockstep opposition from Democrats and proved contentious with Republicans. The bill did away with the PPACA’s requirement that most Americans obtain health insurance or pay a penalty, rolled back federal funding of Medicaid, and, as part of nearly $1 trillion in proposed tax cuts over 10 years, promised $274 billion in tax cuts for Americans earning at least $200,000 per year. According to estimates by the Congressional Budget Office, the AHCA would trim the federal deficit by some $337 billion over 10 years, but it would also leave an additional 24 million Americans without health insurance. The most conservative House Republicans argued that the bill did not go far enough in undoing Obamacare, while moderate Republicans feared that it would leave too many people unable to pay for health care. In response to this lack of consensus, Ryan pulled the legislation in March, before it was put to a vote, but at the beginning of May a revised version of the act was adopted by a 217–213 vote in which 20 Republicans joined the Democrats in opposition.

John McCain’s opposition and the failure of “skinny repeal”

As the bill moved to the Senate for consideration, a number of opinion polls indicated that it was deeply unpopular with the public. Agitated protest over the proposed changes to Obamacare greeted members of Congress when they met with constituents during legislative breaks. Under the direction of majority leader McConnell, the Republican leadership crafted a Senate version of the bill behind closed doors. When the Senate version emerged, retitled the Better Care Reconciliation Act (BCRA) of 2017, it took an approach similar to that of the House bill, though it called for earlier and more substantial cuts to Medicaid funding. Meeting with opposition from both hard-line conservative and moderate Republican senators, the BCRA lacked the support necessary to obtain the quick passage McConnell had sought before the congressional recess for the July 4 holiday, and a vote on it was delayed.

When a more modest version of the Senate bill, branded “skinny repeal,” resurfaced at the end of the month, it maintained most of the tax increases that had funded the PPACA, but it allowed states to opt out of pivotal consumer protections such as forbidding insurers from charging higher rates for preexisting conditions. With Democrats in lockstep opposition, the bill failed 51–49 when John McCain returned to the Senate from his battle with brain cancer to join fellow Republican senators Susan Collins (Maine) and Lisa Murkowski (Alaska) in turning thumbs down in a dramatic post-midnight vote. In September McCain—who had come to believe that health care reform required a circumspect bipartisan approach—joined Murkowski, Collins, and Rand Paul in opposing last-ditch repeal legislation offered by Republican Senators Lindsey Graham (South Carolina) and Bill Cassidy (Louisiana). This time McCain’s opposition was less because of objections to the bill’s substance than to the effort to ramrod it through Congress. By February 2018 the Republican congressional leadership had resigned itself to its inability to pass legislation to comprehensively repeal Obamacare, though removal of the “mandate” (the penalty for failing to purchase health insurance) would be part of the sweeping tax reform passed later in the year. Moreover, the Trump administration shifted its attack on the PPACA to support for the lawsuit filed by some 20 states that sought to overturn all provisions of the act on legal grounds.

Neil Gorsuch’s confirmation to the Supreme Court, the air strike on Syria, and threatening Kim Jong-Un with “fire and fury”

Another objective high on the list of Republican priorities during the 2016 election, the selection of a judicial conservative to replace Scalia on the Supreme Court, was accomplished in April with the Senate’s confirmation of Trump’s nominee, Neil Gorsuch. Democrats attempted to employ a filibuster to block Gorsuch’s appointment, but the Republican majority changed the Senate rules to remove the 60-vote minimum required to terminate debate and proceeded to a confirmation vote. In the event, Gorsuch was confirmed by a 54–45 vote that went largely along party lines.

In the meantime, several high-profile foreign policy issues heated up. On April 6, 2017, responding to a chemical weapons attack by the government of Bashar al-Assad that killed some 80 Syrian civilians, Trump ordered an air strike on the Syrian air base at which the chemical attack had originated. Nearly five dozen Tomahawk missiles were launched against the air base from warships in the eastern Mediterranean Sea. The attack increased the already high tensions between the United States and Russia, which supported the Assad government.

Elsewhere, the regime of Kim Jong-Un in North Korea stepped up its aggressive development of missile-launched nuclear weapons. Departing from the Obama administration’s policy of “strategic patience,” which sought to use sanctions and political isolation to make an impact on North Korean behavior, Trump attempted to persuade China, which was broadly engaged with North Korea, to use its influence to restrain Kim Jong-Un. At the same time, Trump issued sabre-rattling warnings to Kim Jong-Un while U.S. and South Korean forces undertook joint military exercises as a show of strength. A defiant North Korea responded in early July with its first successful launch test of an intercontinental ballistic missile, which was interpreted by experts as having a range capable of reaching Alaska. On August 8 Trump warned North Korea not to make any more threats to the United States, promising that threats would be met with “fire and fury like the world has never seen.”

Violence in Charlottesville, the dismissal of Steve Bannon, the resignation of Michael Flynn, and the investigation of possible collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign

Later in August a firestorm of criticism met Trump’s response to a demonstration in Charlottesville, Virginia, by members of the so-called alt-right (a loose association of white nationalists, white supremacists, extreme libertarians, and neo-Nazis) that erupted in violence, resulting in the death of a counterdemonstrator. After initially laying blame for the violence on “many sides,” Trump was compelled to more strongly condemn white supremacists, the Ku Klux Klan, and neo-Nazis. In impromptu public remarks, Trump then reversed his stance, not only agreeing with the protesters’ opposition to the removal of a statue of Confederate icon Robert E. Lee but also stating his belief that there had been “some very fine people” among the white nationalist protesters, remarks that further escalated the condemnation of his response to the incident as racially divisive.

The events in Charlottesville dovetailed with Trump’s dismissal in August of his chief political strategist, Steve Bannon, an anti-globalist populist who had helped engineer Trump’s election, first at the helm of Breitbart News, which provided a platform for the alt-right, and then as the executive director of Trump’s campaign. Bannon had clashed with other members of Trump’s inner circle and belittled them in remarks made that month in a phone conversation with the coeditor of the liberal publication The American Prospect.

All the events of the first portion of the Trump presidency unfolded in a widespread environment of concern over Russian tampering with the 2016 U.S. presidential election and against the backdrop of investigations into the possible connections between Russian officials and operatives and members of the Trump campaign and the Trump administration. Michael Flynn, Trump’s national security adviser, was forced to resign in February, having lied to Vice President Pence regarding the nature of Flynn’s telephone conversation in December 2016 with Russia’s ambassador to the United States, Sergey Kislyak. Some two weeks before his resignation, the White House had been warned of the Department of Justice’s belief that Flynn was vulnerable to blackmail by Russia. That concern had arisen as a result of the FBI’s examination of the communications between Flynn and Kislyak that had come to the agency’s attention through routine monitoring of the ambassador’s communications.

Jeff Session’s recusal, James Comey’s firing, and Robert Mueller’s appointment as special counsel

From July 2016 a secret investigation had been conducted into possible collusion between Russian officials and prominent members of the Trump campaign. On March 2, 2017, Attorney General Jeff Sessions recused himself from oversight of that no-longer secret investigation after controversy grew regarding his own meetings with Kislyak before the election and over statements Sessions had made during his confirmation hearing regarding the possibility of preelection contacts between the Trump campaign and the Russian government. Almost from the outset of the first reports of Russian involvement in the election, Trump had been dubious of the veracity of the accusations and downplayed their significance, casting them as an outgrowth of Democrats’ sour-grapes frustration at losing the presidential election.

In May Trump dismissed Comey as director of the FBI shortly after Comey testified before Congress, in part about the bureau’s investigation of possible Russian intervention in the election. Purportedly, Trump fired Comey at the recommendation of recently appointed Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein, who, in a memo solicited by the president, criticized Comey’s handling of the public announcements related to Clinton’s e-mails. Soon after Comey’s dismissal, however, the president made it known that he had planned to fire Comey regardless of the Justice Department’s recommendation, at least partly because of Comey’s handling of “this Russia thing,” which Trump repeatedly characterized as a politically motivated witch hunt. Following his ouster, a memo written by Comey came to light summarizing a meeting with Trump in January 2017 at which Comey claimed that the president had both sought a pledge of loyalty and indirectly asked him to halt the investigation of Flynn’s activities.

Comey’s description of the encounter (which would be repeated in new testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee in June) sparked concern, even among some members of Trump’s own party, that the president’s actions may have constituted obstruction of justice. Four congressional committees—the Senate and House intelligence committees, the House oversight committee, and the Senate Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Crime and Terrorism—were actively investigating Russian interference in the election. In the wake of the Comey memo, however, protracted calls by many Democrats and even some Republicans for the appointment of an independent prosecutor or special committee were answered on May 17 by the Justice Department’s appointment of former FBI director Robert Mueller as special counsel to oversee the FBI’s investigation of Russian interference in the election and possible collusion between Russian officials and the Trump campaign.

Hurricanes Harvey and Maria and the mass shootings in Las Vegas, Parkland, and Santa Fe

In August Hurricane Harvey, the most forceful storm to make landfall in the United States in more than a decade, inundated the Houston area. The city received more than 16 inches (400 mm) of rain in a 24-hour period. Catastrophic flooding claimed several lives, more than 100,000 homes were damaged, and thousands of people remained displaced months afterward. Already challenged by the events in Houston, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) responded to another natural disaster when Puerto Rico was hammered by Hurricane Maria, a nearly category 5 cyclone, in September. That storm caused more than $90 billion in property damage and left some 400,000 of the island’s electricity customers without power for nearly five months. Puerto Rico’s Department of Public Safety’s initial official death toll from the storm was 64 lives, but some later estimates put the figure in the thousands, and in August 2018 the Puerto Rican government upped the official estimate to nearly 3,000 deaths.

Mass shootings continued to afflict the country. In October 2017 in Las Vegas, 58 people were killed and hundreds more were wounded when a man used as many as 23 guns to rain fire on the audience of a country music festival from the window of a 32nd-floor hotel room. In February 2018 at Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, 14 students and three staff members were killed when a former student who had been expelled for disciplinary reasons went on a rampage. Some of the students who survived the shooting became outspoken advocates for tighter gun-control laws and played prominent roles in the March for Our Lives protest that drew hundreds of thousands of demonstrators to Washington, D.C., on March 24, 2018, as well as to some 800 other gun-control rallies across the country and around the globe. Nonetheless, fewer than two months later, on May 18 in Santa Fe, Texas, another 10 people were killed in a shooting at a high school.

The #MeToo movement, the Alabama U.S. Senate special election, and the Trump tax cut

A different kind of social movement began shaking American society in October 2017, after it was revealed that film mogul Harvey Weinstein had for years with impunity sexually harassed and assaulted women in the industry. After one of his victims, actress Alyssa Milano, made her story known, a multitude of others who had been victims of sexual harassment or assault began sharing their experiences on social media. The resulting movement, which took its name from the social media hashtag used to post the stories, #MeToo, grew over the coming months to bring condemnation to dozens of powerful men in politics, business, entertainment, and the news media, including political commentator Bill O’Reilly, television newsmen Charlie Rose and Matt Lauer, actors Kevin Spacey and Sylvester Stallone, and U.S. Sen. Al Franken.

Allegations of sexual misconduct also played a pivotal role in the special election in December 2017 to fill the seat in the U.S. Senate for Alabama vacated by Jeff Sessions when he became attorney general. During the general election campaign, allegations surfaced that the Republican candidate, controversial former Alabama supreme court justice Roy Moore, had, when in his 30s, not only romantically pursued a number of teenage girls but also engaged in improper behavior with some of them, including alleged assault. Seemingly in response to the allegations and as a reflection of growing discontent with the Trump presidency, Alabama voters elected a Democrat (Doug Jones) to the Senate for the first time in more than two decades.

The Alabama election was a setback for Trump, who had prominently supported Moore. Nevertheless, the president saw the implementation of a number of policy initiatives that pleased both his solid base of supporters and Republicans in general. Most notably, some two weeks after Jones’s election, Trump signed into law sweeping tax-cutting legislation that had been at the top of Republican wish lists for years. The new law reduced the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 21 percent, kept the existing seven tax brackets for individuals but reduced rates almost across the board from 39.6 percent to 37 percent for the highest earners and from 15 percent to 12 percent for those in the second lowest bracket, and eliminated the tax penalty for individuals who had not purchased health insurance.

Withdrawing from the Iran nuclear agreement, Trump-Trudeau conflict at the G7 summit, and imposing tariffs

Trump fulfilled another campaign promise and dissolved one of the landmark foreign policy achievements of the Obama administration on May 8, 2018, when he announced that he was withdrawing the U.S. from the P5+1 (China, France, Russia, the U.K., and the U.S. plus Germany) nuclear deal with Iran. “It is clear to me that we cannot prevent an Iranian nuclear bomb under the decaying and rotten structure of the current agreement,” Trump said, while promising to reimpose “the highest level of economic sanctions” on Iran. The other signatories of the agreement remained committed to it.

Trump’s decision in the matter was reflective of his growing willingness to impose policies that isolated the United States from its traditional allies. He had come into office promising to pull the U.S. out of NAFTA if Canada and Mexico did not renegotiate the agreement; in August 2017, representatives from the three countries began formal discussions on revamping the historic deal. In May 2018 Trump announced his intention to impose tariffs on steel and aluminum imports from Canada, Mexico, and the EU, claiming that the tariffs were necessary to protect U.S. industries as a matter of national security. At a summit in Quebec in June, Trump was at odds with the other Group of Seven (G7) leaders over a variety of issues but especially trade. Although the U.S. president initially supported the communiqué that the leaders issued at the end of the meetings, Trump took umbrage at Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s statement at a post-summit news conference that, if necessary, Canada would institute counter-tariffs and would not be “pushed around” by the United States. Relations had become strained between the two countries with the “world’s longest undefended border.”

Tariffs on steel and aluminum were also to be imposed on China, but that action proved to be only the opening salvo in a trade war that the Trump administration unleashed on the Asian economic giant. Trump had long argued that China was taking advantage of the United States in trade. Determined to reduce the U.S. trade deficit with China and arguing that Chinese infringement of the intellectual property of American businesses and undercutting of American producers was a threat to U.S. national security, Trump, by July, had instituted tariffs on some $34 billion worth of Chinese goods, prompting China to respond in kind.

The Trump-Kim 2018 summit, “zero tolerance,” and separation of immigrant families

Less than a year after exchanging threats of nuclear war with Kim Jong-Un, the mercurial Trump responded in May 2018 to warming relations between North and South Korea by preparing plans for a summit meeting with the North Korean leader. The meeting, which was to be held in June, was cancelled by Trump after a North Korean official characterized threatening statements by Vice President Pence as “ignorant and stupid.” When Kim’s government adopted a conciliatory tone, Trump reversed his decision, and the two men held a historic meeting—the first face-to-face encounter between the sitting leaders of the United States and North Korea—in Singapore on June 12. With the world watching, Trump surprised both South Korea and the Pentagon by promising to end joint U.S.–South Korea military exercises, while Kim pledged to work “toward complete denuclearization of the Korean peninsula,” a promise that soon appeared to be contradicted by North Korean actions.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration had become the object of widespread outrage over its implementation in early April of a policy that called for the children of migrants entering the U.S. illegally to be separated at the U.S. border from their parents, all of whom were detained under the administration’s “zero tolerance” policy. As awareness grew of the resulting situation—which saw even very young children removed from their parents and relocated—criticism of the policy spread across the political spectrum. Initially, the administration defended the policy and claimed that the law prevented it from taking another approach until Congress acted. Republicans attempted to address the problem, pushing through broader immigration legislation, but it failed to be enacted. By mid-June the hue and cry had grown so loud and the potential political damage loomed so large that Trump was compelled to issue an executive order terminating the separations. In the wake of the order, the Department of Homeland Security announced that 2,342 children had been separated at the border from 2,206 adults between May 5 and June 9.

The Supreme Court decision upholding the travel ban, its ruling on Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, No. 16-1466, and the retirement of Anthony Kennedy

Trump’s determination to secure the country’s borders received a shot in the arm later in June from the Supreme Court, which ruled 5–4 to uphold a third version of the travel ban that restricted entry into the United States for citizens of Iran, North Korea, Syria, Libya, Yemen, Somalia, and Venezuela. The Court ruled that the ban was within the constitutional scope of presidential authority and that Trump’s inflammatory remarks during the election campaign regarding the threat posed by Muslims to the American people did not undermine that authority.

The Court also dealt a blow to organized labor with its 5–4 decision in June on Janus v. American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, No. 16-1466, which overturned the precedent established in a 1977 decision and found that public-sector employees who chose not to join unions could not be required to pay fees to support collective bargaining.

The Supreme Court was on the mind of many Americans at the end of June when Justice Anthony Kennedy, who had so often acted as the swing vote between the Court’s conservative and liberal factions, announced his intention to retire. Naming his replacement offered Trump the opportunity to tip the Court’s ideological balance toward conservatism for a generation. The president had come into office promising to name to the bench judges who would overturn Roe v. Wade, and so it seemed certain that Senate Democrats would to try to determine the nominee’s stance on that politically pivotal case. When conservative District of Columbia Court of Appeals Judge Brett Kavanaugh was named the nominee, however, some of the attention shifted to writing by Kavanaugh in which he had expressed doubts regarding whether a sitting president should be criminally investigated or prosecuted.