Networks, partnerships, and inclusion
Although discussions of the new governance often highlight NPM, public-sector reform is a continuous process. Typically, managerial reforms gave way to a second wave of reform focusing on institutional arrangements (networks and partnerships) and administrative values (public service and social inclusion). The second wave of reforms included a number of overlapping trends, which are often brought together under labels such as “joined-up governance,” “one-stop government,” “service integration,” “whole-of-government,” or “aktivierender Staat” (German: “activating state”). Some commentators even describe this second wave as a “governance approach” or “new governance” defined in contrast to NPM.
Several connected reasons can be given for the altered nature of public-sector reform. One is the shifting tide of intellectual and political fortunes. To an extent, the fortunes of public choice theory and neoliberalism ebbed while those of reformist social democrats and network theorists rose. The rise of New Labour (see Labour Party) within the United Kingdom is perhaps the most obvious example of this tide. A second reason is a growing sensitivity to a new set of external problems, including terrorism, the environment, asylum seekers, aging populations, and the digital divide. Many of these problems led people to turn to the state rather than markets and to do so with concerns about equity rather than efficiency. Yet another reason for the changing content of public-sector reform resides in the unintended consequences of the earlier managerial reforms. Observers emphasize that NPM led to a fragmentation of the public sector; because public services are delivered by networks composed of a number of different organizations, there is a need to coordinate and manage networks. Observers also emphasize that NPM raised dilemmas of accountability; even if the autonomous and semiautonomous organizations involved in delivering services are more efficient, they are not always easy to hold accountable on matters of equity. These worries about accountability were exacerbated by exposures of corruption in the private sector and by studies emphasizing the public’s lack of trust in government.
The main thrust of the second wave of reforms was to improve coordination across agencies. This ambition to join up networks reflected concerns that the earlier reforms led to the fragmentation of public-service delivery. Joined-up governance promotes horizontal and vertical coordination between the organizations involved in an aspect of public policy. Although the boundary between policy making and policy implementation is blurred, joined-up approaches look rather different in each case. Joined-up policy making brings together all the agencies involved in dealing with intractable problems such as juvenile crime or rural poverty. Joined-up policy implementation coordinates the actions of agencies involved in delivering services so as to simplify them for citizens. An example is one-stop shops at which the unemployed can access benefits, training, and job information.
Joined-up governance often draws on the idea that networks can coordinate the actions of a range of actors and organizations. Indeed, its proponents often suggest that, in many circumstances, networks offer a mode of coordination superior to that of both hierarchies and markets. For example, networks tie an enabling or facilitative leadership within a network to greater flexibility, creativity, inclusiveness, and commitment. Hence, joined-up governance is as much about fostering networks as it is about managing them. Indeed, the second wave of reforms characteristically attempted to promote networks or partnerships rather than markets. Such partnerships were created between public, private, and voluntary bodies as well as between different levels of government or different state agencies. In many countries the emphasis shifted from competitive tendering to the public sector’s building long-term relationships based on trust with suppliers, users, and other stakeholders. Public-private partnerships are said to have a number of advantages based on their ability to combine the strengths of each sector. For example, they can ease the burden of capital investment on the public sector while reducing risks of development for the private sector.
Partnerships and joined-up governance are often advocated as ways of promoting social inclusion as well as increasing efficiency. Ideally, they increase citizen involvement in the policy process. Citizen groups participate as partners in aspects of policy making and policy implementation. The second wave of public-sector reforms sought to activate civil society. Partnerships and joined-up governance were supposed to provide settings in which public-sector bodies could engage stakeholders—citizens, voluntary organizations, and private companies—thereby involving them in democratic processes. It was also hoped that involving stakeholders in the policy process would build public trust in government.
