During this initial period, the CCP made great strides toward bringing the country through three critical transitions: from economic prostration to economic growth, from political disintegration to political strength, and from military rule to civilian rule. The determination and capabilities demonstrated during these first years—and the respectable showing (after a century of military humiliations) that Chinese troops made against UN forces on the Korean peninsula in 1950–53—provided the CCP with a reservoir of popular support that would be a major political resource for years.

PLA troops—called Chinese People’s Volunteers—entered the Korean War against UN forces in October 1950. Beijing had felt threatened by the northward thrust of UN units and had attempted to halt them by its threats to intervene. However, Douglas MacArthur, commander of the UN forces, ignored the threats, and, when UN troops reached the Chinese border, Beijing acted. By the time hostilities ended in July 1953, approximately two-thirds of China’s combat divisions had seen service in Korea.

In the three years of war, a “Resist America, aid Korea” campaign translated the atmosphere of external threat into a spirit of sacrifice and enforced patriotic emergency at home. Regulations for the Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries (1951) authorized police action against dissident individuals and suspected groups. A campaign against anti-communist holdouts, bandits, and political opponents was also pressed. Greatest publicity attended Beijing’s dispatch of troops to Tibet about the same time that it intervened in Korea. The distinctiveness and world reputation of the Tibetan culture was to make this a severe test of communist efforts to complete the consolidation of their power. In 1959, after a period of sporadic clashes with the Chinese, the Tibetans rose in rebellion, to which Beijing responded with force.

Under the Agrarian Reform Law of 1950, the property of rural landlords was confiscated and redistributed, which fulfilled a promise to the farmers and smashed a class identified as feudal or semifeudal. The property of traitors, “bureaucrat capitalists” (especially the “four big families” of the Nationalist Party [KMT]—the K’ungs [Kongs], Soongs [Songs], Chiangs [Jiangs], and Ch’ens [Chens]), and selected foreign nationals was also confiscated, helping end the power of many industrialists and providing an economic basis for industrialization. Programs were begun to increase production and to lay the basis for long-term socialization.

These programs coincided with a massive effort to win over the population to the leadership. Such acts as a marriage law (May 1950) and a trade-union law (June 1950) symbolized the break with the old society, while mass organizations and the regime’s “campaign style” dramatized the new.

During 1949–50, policies regarding the cities focused on restoring order, rehabilitating the economy, and, above all, wringing disastrous inflation out of the urban economy. To accomplish these tasks, the CCP tried to discipline the labor force, win over the confidence of the capitalists, and implement drastic fiscal policies so as to undercut inflation. These policies brought such remarkable successes that by late 1950 many urban Chinese viewed the CCP leadership as needed reformers. Indeed, numerous capitalists believed them to be “good for business.”

But, beginning in 1951, urban residents began to feel the impact of the communists’ revolutionary agenda. A Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries campaign dealt violently with many former leaders of secret societies, religious associations, and the KMT in early 1951. In late 1951 and early 1952, three major political campaigns brought the revolutionary essence of the CCP home to key urban groups. The Three-Antis campaign targeted communist cadres who had become too close to China’s capitalists. The Five-Antis campaign was aimed at the capitalists themselves and brought them into line on charges of bribery, tax evasion, theft of state property and economic information, and cheating on government contracts. Finally, the thought-reform campaign humbled university professors and marked a turning point in the move from Western to Soviet influence in structuring China’s university curriculum.

The pressures toward national political consolidation and the costly struggle in Korea produced significant consequences. In the several provinces of Manchuria (now called the Northeast), there was a growing concentration of industrial and military presence, as well as an increased presence of Soviet economic advisers and key elements of China’s tiny corps of technicians and specialists. This was a natural development in view of the extensive economic infrastructure left behind by the Japanese in that region and its proximity to Korea. Additionally, Northeast China had long been an area of Soviet interest.

Gao Gang headed Northeast China, and, in addition to his authoritative regional position, Gao also influenced decisions in Beijing. He planned the Three-Antis campaign and took the lead in adapting Soviet techniques to Chinese factory management and economic planning. He promoted these techniques on a national basis when he moved to Beijing in late 1952 to set up the State Planning Commission. Working closely with the head of the party’s Organization Department and other senior officials, Gao allegedly tried to drastically reduce the authority of his potential competitors, notably Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai, both leading members of party and state organs. The ensuing power struggle lasted more than a year, reflecting an underlying fissure in the CCP. Gao himself had long been a man of the rural base areas, while Liu and Zhou were associated far more with the pre-1949 work in the “white areas” (areas outside CCP control). After 1949, base area veterans believed that they received fewer high positions than their struggles in the wilderness had warranted. Within weeks after the National Conference of the party (March 1955) had proclaimed the defeat of the Gao clique, Beijing approved a long-delayed First Five-Year Plan (technically covering the years 1953–57). That summer, active programs for agricultural collectivization and the socialization of industry and commerce were adopted.

The period 1949–52 was marked by changes in Soviet influence in China. The officially sanctioned terms of that influence had been worked out in a visit by Mao to Moscow from mid-December 1949 until the following March and were formalized in the Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance (signed February 14, 1950). Years later the Chinese charged that Moscow had failed to give Beijing adequate support under that treaty and had left the Chinese to face UN forces virtually alone in Korea. The seeds of doubt concerning Soviet willingness to help China had been sown. Moreover, one of the errors purportedly committed by Gao Gang was his zealousness in using Soviet advisers and promoting the Soviet economic model for management. After the purge of pro-Gao elements, steps were taken to reduce direct Soviet control in China that included reaching agreement on the final withdrawal of Soviet troops from Port Arthur (Lüshun; since 1984 part of Dalian) by mid-1955. Moscow proved amenable to these changes, as the death of longtime Soviet leader Joseph Stalin had produced new Soviet efforts to end tensions with the Chinese. The applicability of the Soviet model to China and the degree to which its use might become a pretext for Soviet manipulation of China began to be questioned.

Nevertheless, these potential reductions in Soviet influence were counterbalanced by growing Soviet activity in other fields. The Chinese army reorganized along Soviet lines, with a greater emphasis on heavy firepower and mobility. Soviet texts and propaganda materials flooded the country. The Soviet Union had earlier extended $300 million in credit (used up by 1953), which was followed by a smaller developmental loan in 1954 (used up by 1956). Under these aid programs, the Soviets supplied the equipment and technical aid for a large number of industrial projects. The Soviet Union also played a major role in Chinese foreign policy, and it appears that China accepted Moscow’s leadership in the international communist movement. Coordinating with the Soviets, Beijing supported revolutionary activity throughout Asia and opposed compromise with neutralist regimes.